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Analyse: l'arabie séoudite victime dans la mort de khashoggi !
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[QUOTE="alicemoitronkil, post: 15985179, member: 287923"] As the remnant of a much larger struggle, the competition between Muslim republicans and monarchists represents a politics in terminal decline. Most of the region’s royal houses are modern creations, encouraged if not implanted by colonial powers. They possess no worked-out political idea or theory to legitimize themselves, relying instead on a transactional mixture of privileges, payoffs and punishments to secure the allegiance of their subjects, much like corporations do with their workers, shareholders and boards. This is why Islam as a form of social control is so important to them. Islamism, for its part, has become a red herring in [URL='https://www.brookings.edu/blog/markaz/2017/04/04/islamists-on-islamism-today-an-interview-with-mustafa-elnemr-muslim-brotherhood-youth-activist/']accounts of Middle Eastern politics[/URL]. The Muslim Brotherhood was not at the forefront of the Egyptian revolution but caught unawares by it. The party was furthermore brought down by [URL='https://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/28/world/middleeast/egypt-morsi.html?module=inline']a movement as popular[/URL] as the one that had put it in power, thus allowing the army to intervene and impose its dictatorship on the country. The Brotherhood’s opponents were as religiously observant as its supporters, which meant the dissolution of a narrative that pitted popular Islamists against secular elites. The democratization and fragmentation of Islam has shifted it beyond the grasp of any party or group. Having torn their religion from the grasp of its traditional authorities among both clerics and mystics, Islamists were themselves set aside by the rise of jihad movements in the 1990s, which reject their visions of electoral democracy or even revolutions to set up Islamic republics. And like the Islamists before them, these militant outfits are now used by the region’s governments against one another even when they cannot be fully controlled. The decline of Islamism can be gauged by the way in which the Turkish government has crushed its former ally, [URL='https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/10/17/turkeys-thirty-year-coup']the Gulen movement[/URL], which it accuses of fomenting the attempted coup in 2016 with foreign help. Turkey retaliated like other Middle Eastern governments to eliminate an Islamist threat with international links and foreign sponsors. In doing so it demonstrated that Islam will be tolerated only if it is put in the exclusive service of the state, paradoxically setting more limits upon religion than either the most secular or theocratic of countries. If Iran today poses the chief ideological rather than simply military or economic threat for the Gulf monarchies, it is probably because its unexportable Shia revolution must stand in for an Islamism that no longer appears to have a political future in the Arab world. Or its future may be that of [URL='https://www.brookings.edu/research/ennahda-from-within-islamists-or-muslim-democrats-a-conversation/']Tunisia’s Ennahda Party,[/URL] which has rejected the Brotherhood’s internationalism in the Arab Spring’s only successful revolution. Islamism is so frequently invoked precisely because it is in decline, its supporters as well as opponents eager to enlist the Brotherhood and lend their rivalries some ideological meaning. Yet in the West, freedom of the press and human rights are advanced as reasons for concern about Mr. Khashoggi’s end, while in the Middle East the struggle is over the possibility of a regional relationship that does not involve Western powers or geopolitics. The outrage in the West over Mr. Khashoggi’s killing has led to calls among columnists and politicians for yet more intervention in the Middle East by way of [URL='https://www.ft.com/content/6be62fa2-d5d0-11e8-ab8e-6be0dcf18713']sanctions and other threats[/URL] against Saudi Arabia, as if prompted by the fear of being shut out from its politics. But even this reaction cannot conceal how bereft of ideological features the event is, indicating instead the brutal secularization of politics in a region marked by the desire for hegemony of its three remaining powers — Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia. While all three deploy religion in their quest for dominance, its very universalization in these and other ways has made Islam increasingly recalcitrant to such uses, as it slowly comes to constitute nothing more than the national character of Muslim societies in the region. Faisal Devji is a professor of history and fellow of St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford. [/QUOTE]
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Analyse: l'arabie séoudite victime dans la mort de khashoggi !
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